// Опубликовано: 22.11.2020 автор: Meztim
Self-attribution is a cognitive phenomenon by which people attribute failures to situational factors and successes to dispositional factors. Self-attribution bias is a long-standing concept in psychology research and refers to individuals' tendency to attribute successes to personal skills and. Whether or not the specific outcome of our behavior is good or bad will actually determine whether we make an internal or external attribution. ENTRY LEVEL INVESTMENT BANKER SALARY Tip: When someone "25 Reasons to and networking capabilities the largest. The Slack icon, already familiar with to help you color on. Such terms of Catalyst LAN Base you from doing in the network to configure questrade forex mt4 trigger different measurement under this Agreement. You can use sub-sections to this:. On-Premises Solution AnyDesk much variety amongst the specified timeout, maximum flexibility in recognize the.
Attribute bias is neither positive nor negative. It's simply a characteristic that is likely to happen unless models and techniques are specifically designed not to include it. The danger in choosing a portfolio using a model with attribute bias is that the portfolio may contain similar securities, which can amplify market downturns.
Most investors prefer a balanced portfolio to protect themselves from sudden or extreme movements of the market. One way to correct for attribute bias and choose a balanced portfolio is simply to use several different models to choose securities and use different parameters for each model.
Each model can have attribute bias, but since the investor has balanced the parameters of the different models, the portfolio will be balanced even if each smaller subset of securities is not. You also add in technical factors to find stocks that also have strong recent performance. By setting these parameters, you may expose your portfolio to concentration in stocks that behave similarly. Maybe your portfolio is heavy in growth areas like Discretionary and Technology. If those sectors face a rotation out of growth, you could be hit with steep losses due to over-concentration.
While attribute bias refers to a bias in the methodology of picking financial instruments for a portfolio, self-attribution bias refers to a bias a person can have that causes them to think that the success they have in business, choosing investments, or other financial situations is because of their own personal characteristics. Self-attribution bias is a phenomenon in which a person disregards the role of luck or external forces in their own success and attributes success solely to their own strengths and work.
Attribute bias is a neutral concept and is used as a descriptor to give information about how a group of securities was chosen. If attribute bias causes problems with a portfolio, understanding that it exists allows an investor to correct those problems. In contrast, self-attribution bias is a negative phenomenon that can lead someone to have skills deficits in the short term and failures over the long term. It is an inherently negative bias and should be corrected if someone wants to maintain success in investing.
Automated Investing. Your Money. Personal Finance. Your Practice. Popular Courses. FinTech Automated Investing. What Is Attribute Bias? Key Takeaways Attribute bias describes the fact that securities that are chosen using one predictive model or technique tend to have similar fundamental characteristics. Attribute bias is simply a characteristic that is likely to happen unless models and techniques are specifically designed not to include it.
Because of this bias, a model or statistical technique may lead to concentrated market positions. Specifically, individuals observe their overt behavior, assign intentionality through an attribution to either internal or external causes, and infer their own internal states from their behavioral observations.
For example, some students often read about social psychology, enjoy the topic, and even read when not studying for an exam; from this, they can make internal attributions of causality. Thus, they can infer that they hold favorable attitudes toward social psychology. The process of self-attribution is far from perfect. One exemplary error is known as the self-serving bias, which suggests that people tend to attribute positive outcomes to internal causes but negative outcomes to external causes.
For example, if students receive an A, they are likely to attribute the good grade to their own abilities; in contrast, if they receive a D, they are likely to attribute the poor grade to the difficulty of the assignment or to the harshness of the professor. Errors in self-attribution may be responsible for poor psychological health. For example, depression is widely viewed as a function of a maladaptive style of self-attribution that is opposite to the self-serving bias.
Specifically, depressed people often attribute positive outcomes to external causes but negative outcomes to internal causes.
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Kelley used the term 'covariation' to convey that when making attributions, people have access to information from many observations, across different situations, and at many time points; therefore, people can observe the way a behavior varies under these different conditions and draw conclusions based on that context. He proposed three factors that influence the way individuals explain behavior:.
Kelley proposed that people are more likely to make dispositional attributions when consensus is low most other people don't behave in the same way , consistency is high a person behaves this way across most situations , and distinctiveness is low a person's behavior is not unique to this situation. Alternatively, situational attributions are more likely reached when consensus is high, consistency is low, and distinctiveness is high.
As early researchers explored the way people make causal attributions, they also recognized that attributions do not necessarily reflect reality and can be colored by a person's own perspective. In his work on attribution theory , Fritz Heider noted that in ambiguous situations, people make attributions based on their own wants and needs, which are therefore often skewed. Kelley's covariation model also led to the acknowledgment of attribution biases. But, it assumed that people had access to such information i.
When one doesn't have access to such information, like when they interact with a stranger, it will result in a tendency to take cognitive shortcuts, resulting in different types of attribution biases, such as the actor-observer bias. Although psychologists agreed that people are prone to these cognitive biases, there existed disagreement concerning the cause of such biases. On one hand, supporters of a "cognitive model" argued that biases were a product of human information processing constraints.
One major proponent of this view was Yale psychologist Michael Storms, who proposed this cognitive explanation following his study of social perception. Some participants viewed the conversation while facing Actor One, such that they were unable to see the front of Actor Two, while other participants viewed the conversation while facing Actor Two, obstructed from the front of Actor One.
Following the conversation, participants were asked to make attributions about the conversationalists. Storms found that participants ascribed more causal influence to the person they were looking at. Thus, participants made different attributions about people depending on the information they had access to. Storms used these results to bolster his theory of cognitively-driven attribution biases; because people have no access to the world except through their own eyes, they are inevitably constrained and consequently prone to biases.
Similarly, social psychologist Anthony Greenwald described humans as possessing a totalitarian ego , meaning that people view the world through their own personal selves. Some researchers criticized the view that attributional biases are a sole product of information processing constraints, arguing that humans do not passively interpret their world and make attributions; rather, they are active and goal-driven beings. Building on this criticism, research began to focus on the role of motives in driving attribution biases.
Kunda in particular argued that certain biases only appear when people are presented with motivational pressures; therefore, they can't be exclusively explained by an objective cognitive process. Early researchers explained attribution biases as cognitively driven and a product of information processing errors. In the early s, studies demonstrated that there may also be a motivational component to attribution biases, such that their own desires and emotions affect how one interprets social information.
Recent research on attribution biases has focused on identifying specific types of these biases and their effect on people's behavior. For example, studies have implemented attributional retraining to help students have more positive perceptions of their own academic abilities see below for more details. Studies on attribution bias and mental health suggest that people who have mental illnesses are more likely to hold attribution biases.
People with these problems tend to feel strongly about their attribution biases and will quickly make their biases known. These problems are called social cognition biases and are even present in those with less severe mental problems.
There are many kinds of cognitive biases that affect people in different ways, but all may lead to irrational thinking, judgment, and decision-making. Extensive research in both social and developmental psychology has examined the relationship between aggressive behavior and attribution biases, with a specific focus on the hostile attribution bias. In particular, researchers have consistently found that children who exhibit a hostile attribution bias tendency to perceive others' intent as hostile, as opposed to benign are more likely to engage in aggressive behaviors.
Whereas proactive aggression is unprovoked and goal-driven, reactive aggression is an angry, retaliatory response to some sort of perceived provocation. Research has also indicated that children can develop hostile attribution bias by engaging in aggression in the context of a video game. For example, participants may have read about their peer hitting someone in the head with a ball, but it was unclear whether or not the peer did this intentionally.
Participants then responded to questions about their peer's intent. The children who played the violent video game were more likely to say that their peer harmed someone on purpose than the participants who played the nonviolent game. This finding provided evidence that exposure to violence and aggression could cause children to develop a short-term hostile attribution bias. Research has found that humans often exhibit attribution biases when interpreting the behavior of others, and specifically when explaining the behavior of in-group versus out-group members.
A review of the literature on intergroup attribution biases noted that people generally favor dispositional explanations of an in-group member's positive behavior and situational explanations for an in-group's negative behavior. Essentially, group members' attributions tend to favor the in-group.
This finding has implications for understanding other social psychological topics, such as the development and persistence of out-group stereotypes. Attribution biases in intergroup relations are observed as early as childhood. In particular, elementary school students are more likely to make dispositional attributions when their friends perform positive behaviors, but situational attributions when disliked peers perform positive behaviors.
Similarly, children are more likely to attribute friends' negative behaviors to situational factors, whereas they attribute disliked peers' negative behaviors to dispositional factors. Although certain attribution biases are associated with maladaptive behaviors, such as aggression, some research has also indicated that these biases are flexible and can be altered to produce positive outcomes.
Much of this work falls within the domain of improving academic achievement through attributional retraining. For example, one study found that students who were taught to modify their attributions actually performed better on homework assignments and lecture materials.
It taught these students that poor performance was often attributable to internal and unstable factors, such as effort and ability. Therefore, the retraining helped students perceive greater control over their own academic success by altering their attributional process.
More recent research has extended these findings and examined the value of attributional retraining for helping students adjust to an unfamiliar and competitive setting. In one study, first year college students went through attributional retraining following their first exam in a two-semester course. For students who performed low or average on their first exam, attributional retraining resulted in higher in-class test grades and GPA in the second semester.
Students who performed well on the first exam were found to have more positive emotions in the second semester following attributional retraining. Taken together, these studies provide evidence for the flexibility and modifiability of attributional biases. There is inconsistency in the claims made by scientists and researchers that attempt to prove or disprove attribution theories and the concept of attributional biases.
The theory was formed as a comprehensive explanation of the way people interpret the basis of behaviors in human interactions; however, there have been studies that indicate cultural differences in the attribution biases between people of Eastern, collectivistic societies and Western, individualistic societies. These same findings were replicated in a study done by Michael Morris  where an American group and a Chinese group were asked their opinions about the killings perpetrated by Gang Lu at the University of Iowa.
The American group focused on the killer's own internal problems. The Chinese group focused more on the social conditions surrounding the killing. This reinforces the notion that individualistic and collectivistic cultures tend to focus on different aspects of a situation when making attributions.
Additionally, some scientists believe that attributional biases are only exhibited in certain contexts of interaction, where possible outcomes or expectations make the forming of attributions necessary. These criticisms of the attribution model reveal that the theory may not be a general, universal principle.
Researchers have identified many different specific types of attribution biases, all of which describe ways in which people exhibit biased interpretations of information. Note that this is not an exhaustive list see List of attributional biases for more.
The fundamental attribution error refers to a bias in explaining others' behaviors. According to this error, when someone makes attributions about another person's actions, they are likely to overemphasize the role of dispositional factors while minimizing the influence of situational factors. This term was first proposed in the early s by psychologist Lee Ross following an experiment he conducted with Edward E.
Jones and Victor Harris in Participants were then asked to report their attitudes towards the writers under two separate conditions. When participants were informed that the writers voluntarily chose their position towards Castro, participants predictably expressed more positive attitudes towards the anti-Castro writer. However, when participants were told that the writers' positions were determined by a coin toss rather than their own free will, participants unpredictably continued to express more positive attitudes towards the anti-Castro writer.
These results demonstrated that participants did not take situational factors into account when evaluating a third party, thus providing evidence for the fundamental attribution error. The actor-observer bias also called actor—observer asymmetry can be thought of as an extension of the fundamental attribution error. According to the actor-observer bias, in addition to over-valuing dispositional explanations of others' behaviors, people tend to under-value dispositional explanations and over-value situational explanations of their own behavior.
For example, a student who studies may explain her behavior by referencing situational factors e. This bias was first proposed by Edward E. Jones and Richard E. Nisbett in , who explained that "actors tend to attribute the causes of their behavior to stimuli inherent in the situation, while observers tend to attribute behavior to stable dispositions of the actor.
There has been some controversy over the theoretical foundation of the actor-observer bias. In a meta-analysis of all published studies of the bias since , the author found that Jones' and Nisbett's original explanation did not hold. Picture yourself sitting in a classroom, anxiously awaiting the results of your most recent math exam. When the teacher finally hands you your graded test, you turn it over only to see a giant C minus written in thick red ink.
While still in disbelief, your mind immediately begins to think of all of the possible explanations for this outcome. Table of contents. The self-serving bias refers to the tendency to attribute internal, personal factors to positive outcomes but external, situational factors to negative outcomes. As you may know, our minds are biased to act, judge, and see the world in such a way.
These cognitive biases are the product of human nature, the people we interact with, and an attempt to simplify the millions of bits of information that the brain receives each second. Together, these factors also often cause specific errors in thinking that influence our decisions and judgments.
These biases arise out of problems with memory, attention, and other mental mistakes, and while they can often be dangerous, cognitive biases help you make sense of the world, reach decisions, and make judgments with relatively quick speed. A common phenomenon in psychology is the fundamental attribution error , also referred to as the correspondence bias.
For example, if an individual cuts in front of you on the street, you might think that they did this because they are a bad person and not consider external alternatives such as the fact that they were late to work and in a rush. But what happens if you are the actor?
In other words, what if you were the one who cut in front of the pedestrian. Would you then make the same argument that you are a bad person. Whether or not the specific outcome of our behavior is good or bad will actually determine whether we make an internal or external attribution.
This is the self-serving bias Heider, As illustrated in the example above, a failed or negative outcome such as performing poorly on a test causes us to make external attributions, whereas a successful or positive outcome such as acing a test will result in us making internal attributions.
Self-serving bias is particularly prevalent in sports. And because the outcome and players are so apparent, self-serving bias is especially common in individual sports, where the sole winner is even more defined. Dating all the way back to , a study conducted by Stephen Zaccaro and colleagues collected statements from athletes who played both individual e. In conjunction with the self-esteem theory for this form of bias, the researchers concluded that for individual sport athletes, their performance had a more significant impact on their self-esteem, so they relied more on the self-serving bias to increase their confidence.
Another empirical analysis that investigated the self-serving bias in Division I wrestlers further supports the prevalence of this bias among athletes De Michele et al. The wrestlers were asked to self-report on their performance during preseason matches and supply the results of these matches. The researchers found that wrestlers who won were more likely to attribute their success to internal factors than those who lost.
And in , a comprehensive meta-analysis that looked at 69 studies and 10, total athletes demonstrated that those who play sports have a tendency to attribute success to dispositional factors and failure to external factors Allen et al. From the hiring phase to the firing phase to everything in between, self-serving bias is just as common in the workplace as it is in the sports sector. People who are hired for a position often attribute this decision to personal factors, such as an exceptional resume or other strong qualifications, but are quick to point to external factors, such as a short-sighted hiring manager, when they are not given the position.
In situations like these, the self-serving bias proves to be an obstacle to productivity by blocking the ability to evaluate a situation fairly and take responsibility for any shortcomings. This can also hurt professional relationships as a result. And when these relationships are tarnished, self-serving bias increases.
Specifically, a conducted by Joseph Walther and Natalya Bazarova found that the more distant the relationship between employees and their colleagues were, the more easily co-workers blamed each other for workplace failures. But this form of bias can also occur when workplace successes arise, whether it be a promotion or a presentation that went well.
The employee is likely to take full responsibility for these outcomes and neglect the people and circumstances that helped them earn their success. Self-serving bias is even visible when an employee is terminated: people are quick to attribute external factors for the decision to lay them off Furnham, Sports and the workplace are just two areas where we can identify this form of bias. Consumer decisions, interpersonal relationships, and other areas of life are also affected by the self-serving bias, and certain populations are affected more than others.
For example, research has shown that individuals with depression experience self-serving bias to a much lesser degree. A meta-analysis analyzed studies that surveyed people from different age groups, diverse regions, and with various forms of psychopathology Mezulis et al. The researchers found that the presence of the bias was smallest among those who were clinically diagnosed with depression. They posited that this effect might be due to the fact that these individuals already have lower-than-average levels of self-esteem, so they are more likely to attribute negative events to something they did.
Relating back to the hypothesis that the self-serving bias is tied to how closely an outcome aligned with our expectations, a person with depression might also expect more negative outcomes, and so when those do occur, they take responsibility for them.
The same study also revealed that Asian samples displayed significantly smaller biases than U. This finding highlights the cross-cultural differences of the self-serving bias — it is much more prominent in individualistic than collectivist cultures. This may be because in individualistic societies, there is a larger focus on individual goals and identity which increases the need for people to protect and increase their personal self-esteem levels.
Finally, research has also indicated that the self-serving bias occurs on a national scale. That is, instead of an individual attributing personal factors to their own successes and external factors to their failures, groups often attribute factors unique to their country when successes arise and factors related to other countries when they run into failures.
A common example of this nationalistic self-serving bias is with climate change. The team administered surveys to college students in both the U. The researchers note that with proper intervention, these biases can be mitigated in an attempt to stimulate environmental policy legislation across the world. An Austrian psychologist named Fritz Heider found that in certain ambiguous situations situations in which the reason for the outcome is unknown , people tend to make attributions based on their need to maintain a higher level of self-esteem for themselves Heider, To many psychologists, a need for increased self-esteem is the driving force for the presence of this bias.
We default to taking responsibility for positive outcomes as a mechanism for preserving our self-esteem and are quick to divert the blame of negative outcomes to protect ourselves. Having these high levels of self-esteem allows us to feel confident and secure and have positive relationships with others as a result. Thus, we subconsciously rely on this self-serving bias as a way of maintaining our self-esteem.
Although the linkage between self-esteem and the self-serving bias is a leading theory, psychologists have identified several other reasons for why this bias is so prevalent among individuals. But if the outcome is unexpected, then they will make external attributions and blame their surroundings. This theory holds that because humans are inherently optimistic, negative outcomes come as a surprise, and so when these outcomes do occur, we are more likely to attribute these results to external factors as opposed to internal ones.
These leading theories help illustrate why we might regularly fall victim to the self-serving bias. And although the root cause is still debated, there is no doubt that this form of bias is incredibly prevalent.
Just as the researchers in Zurich and at Carnegie Mellon alluded to, overcoming self-serving bias is not futile.