St50f esg investing

// Опубликовано: 13.05.2022 автор: Moogutaxe

st50f esg investing

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These interests stem from the turn away from the approach of archive-as-source to archive-as-subject. The examination of colonial archives as nodes and artifacts of colonialism histori- cizes their content and draws critical new attention to the fact that the very sources that are used to access the past in colonial terms were produced by Europeans.

Moreover, these 38 Edney Compare also to Richards See also Stoler ; Stoler This network rests upon material produced by different government departments, learned societies, missionary organizations, privately libraries and so on. In sum, archives can be used to uncover practices of knowledge work and consequently they can be used to examine what was done with different types of knowledge.

This serves as an additional means of reveal- ing what imperial states and learned societies collected. In the context of this study, I apply these perspectives regarding colonial archives to open up new approaches to the exploration and surveying of Australia as a knowledge- producing enterprise. The exploration and surveying of the continent led to the accumula- tion of multiple different archives, which can be used to study the previously ignored pro- cesses of knowledge-work and networks of knowledge shaping, as well as the formation of geographical and cartographical knowledge about the continent.

Particularly significant archives in this regard were accumulated by government departments in the colonies and in Britain. The position taken by Stoler and Ballantyne are part of a wider field of scholarship that have taken the relationship between imperialism and different kinds of colonial knowledge as their primary focus of research. These studies have been a great inspiration for this re- search.

The scholarship is wide-ranging and an essential part of it during the recent years have been efforts to ex- amine the routines that constituted the generation of the different kinds of colonial knowledge and its application in practice.

Put together, the studies inform us of the state constituted processes that produced the object they related to: a governed territory, a dis- tinguishable group of people or such large entities as the British Empire, and consequently informed the practices of exercising power. As noted earlier, the nineteenth century was a time of growing state bureaucracy, which included the collection of measured geographical and other data.

Communication networks established by states were crucial in securing the accumulation of information in metropolises. In the British Empire, communication between government departments in 45 Ballantyne , Introduction 12 Britain and overseas colonies occurred via official correspondence. This channel of com- munication was established during the s as the primary way of transmitting infor- mation. Nevertheless, they did have a significant effect on the way the British Empire was construed and imagined.

This correspondence was one of the primary means to gradually accumu- late geographical and cartographical knowledge from the Australian colonies at the Colo- nial Office in London. Official correspondence and practices of circulating geographical knowledge beyond government offices formed a system of knowledge that had an im- portant impact on the ways in which knowledge about Australian geography circulated in different locations.

The meaning of the geographical and cartographical knowledge that circulated in the system and how it was handled has not received much attention. This is despite the identification and analysis of the interests and participation of the imperial gov- 49 ernment in the planning and execution of some of the Australian expeditions.

Much more attention has been directed to the work of different scientific institutions working in Britain and in Europe during the nineteenth century, in terms of exploration of the world. The foundation of these establishments formed part of the process of profes- sionalization of science and the separation of the different fields of study during the first half of the nineteenth century. It has been noted that they played a central in role in verify- 50 ing the information that arrived from colonies.

These scientific societies were active pro- ponents of exploration, although they had a diverse range of interests. However, a critical factor for all of these institutions was the urge to accumulate extensive collections of data 51 and specimens relative to their respective fields of study. The RGS was a particularly sig- nificant archive and formed an integral part of the network of geographical knowledge in the British Empire. The RGS was established in in order to promote geographical re- search and exploration around the globe.

The RGS has been identified as a particularly cen- tral actor in the field of exploration, as it funded and instructed expeditions, as well as ac- tively publishing the subsequent results. In sum, the work of these societies has been noted 47 Laidlaw See also Eddy Much of this research, which examines how the results of the explorations in different parts of the world were analyzed and discussed in the metropolis, has payed increasing attention to the processes of publishing.

The publication of the results was a pivotal part of the process of exploration. Analysis of how the content of travel accounts was shaped through the publication process has received an increasing amount of attention. The work of publishing houses in printing travel accounts, in particular, has been examined as a process that shaped the con- tent of the original journals, sketches and maps that were compiled in the field. These stud- ies have identified the mutable nature of the material produced by explorers by tracing the process, or portions of it, that led to the creation of published travel accounts.

Scholars have traced the scribbles and sketches carried out in the field through to the editing pro- cess, engraving, and finally the publication of texts in Europe. These studies have revealed how mundane practices and processes, editorial preferences, economic questions and the intended audience shaped the end product.

Consequently, they also influenced the struc- 54 ture of the knowledge that was communicated by the travel accounts. This research re- lates to a burgeoning field of study relating to Victorian print culture and how the different, 55 often heavily intertextual forms, participated in the process of exploration. What has been largely ignored, however, is the communication that occurred prior to the publication of travel accounts, especially in terms of their origin. It has also been noted how the reports submitted to the government departments were also part of print culture.

Yet, not many comprehensive references exist regarding the flow of 56 information that arrived in London prior the arrival of explorers. These communications played a pivotal role in the Australian context, as it was rare that the explorers came to 52 For scholarship examining the participation of the different institutions in Britain to the processes of exploration see, for example, Driver ; Dritsas ; Kennedy , 25—61; Withers Also see Henderson Introduction 14 London after completing their expeditions.

Indeed, many resided and worked on a perma- nent basis in the colonies. Furthermore, many initially published their journals in the Aus- 57 58 tralian colonies, rather than in Britain. Some, however, chose not to do so at all No thor- ough examination of the manner in which the accounts that were eventually published in London mainly by T. Boone has been undertaken. Furthermore, no analysis has been made of the circuits of the numerous letters and dispatches that the explorers sent to the settlements from the field.

As Kennedy notes, these were published verbatim by the colo- 59 nial press. We therefore lack detailed analysis of the processes which shaped how the data that resulted from the Australian explorations became public. These communications, however, are extremely important when considering the processes that contributed to the formation of geographical knowledge of the Australian continent.

They played a pivotal role in the larger process of mediating new information about the world. The issue of how information relating to the numerous expeditions in Australia become available in Britain is closely related to the analysis of how different institutions, such as the RGS, obtained important parts of the material it eventually published in its journals or read at its evening meetings.

The society developed a wide network of correspondents and many explorers corresponded with it. Many explorers corresponded with the society, but so did some of their colonial patrons. However, an extensive amount of this information derived from the Colonial Office, in particular, but also the Foreign Office and the Admiralty. Studies have noted that the RGS fostered close relations with departments of state in Brit- ain and that many officials were members of the society.

Yet, this relationship has not been 60 systematically analyzed from the perspective of the civil servants. The role of civil serv- ants was important for the maintenance and character of these communications and, in- deed, for the development of the RGS archives related to geographical knowledge. Hence, it is important to examine the roles of civil servants as knowledge-workers in the context of geographical knowledge and map-making.

Consequently, it is noticeable that in spite of the publication of numerous books and articles relating to the mapping, exploring and surveying of the Australian continent, we lack accurate information about the networks of communication that constituted the mo- bility of geographical and cartographical knowledge relating to Australia in the British Em- pire. In this study, I set out to examine how the official correspondence, which nominally occurred between the governors of the colonies and the secretaries of state in Britain, 57 These included William Hovell and Hamilton Hume, whose account was published in Sydney in and an ac- count on E.

Many later accounts were printed by the colonial governments in Australia as official publications. See Carron ; Kennedy , — Gregory and John S. Roe did not publish the results of their expeditions as separate travel accounts. See Foster , —25, — Consequently, it constituted the making of British geographies of Australia. I employ a processual approach in this study in order to verify this argument, which is built upon the idea of co-constitutive imperial archives and the recip- rocal movement of geographical and cartographical knowledge.

I will next outline the dif- ferent theoretical components that inform my study; namely, the idea of circulation as knowledge-making and of processual map history. Circulation, Processual Map History and Knowledge-Making Circuits of knowledge, the different materials that carry this knowledge and the effects en- gendered by the movements of these different materials from one place to another and from individual to individual have recently become the subject of burgeoning research within the fields of history of knowledge and history of cartography.

These approaches build on research and theoretical discussions within the fields of history of science and book history, in particular, but they aim to develop and adapt these frameworks to their respective subjects of study. History of knowledge is a new and emerging field of study that puts knowledge at the 62 center of the historical enquiries. It analyzes how different actors produce and transmit knowledge. It is closely intertwined with the history of science, which focuses on science and scientific knowledge in different spatiotemporal contexts.

However, its scope of study is wider and thus it encompasses the history of science alongside other practices of know- ing. This development stems from the need to find tools to connect the many localized histories of scientific practice to other scales of knowledge about the world, without re- enforcing the position of Western science as the powerful mode of knowing in the modern 63 world. It connects with the need to build frameworks to study how different systems of knowledge interact and what happens as a result of such interactions.

See Darnton ; Latour For discussion on the study of the history of books, see also Adams and Barker ; Darnton Introduction 16 dynamic frameworks that rest upon the ideas of multidirectional movements and co-con- 64 stitutive sites of knowledge-work. As Raymond B. Consequently, circulation theory attempts to analyze the role of locally-produced knowledge by examining the different scales in which knowledge circu- 66 lates, without assuming a producer and an end user.

Similar calls have been recently made in order clarify the concept and to save it from becoming tedious 69 and meaningless. They have urged a shift in attention from the production of knowledge to its use, move- ments and reformulations. In this they closely follow and seek to develop the viewpoints expressed by the Swiss scholars Philip Sarasin and Andreas Kilchner, who are active proponents of the his- tory of knowledge Wissensgeschichte.

These scholars emphasize how knowledge is al- 70 ways transformed as it moves and becomes embedded in different carriers. The idea of the transformative nature of circulation is not new. See Basalla For informative overviews of the historiography of the history of science in the context of the British Empire see Hodge ; Bennet Also see Raj , See Sarasin and Kilchner ; Sarasin What is this added something?

In my view it is simultaneously easy and difficult to uncover by engaging with the different ways knowledge is materialized. These practices also condition, for exam- 72 ple, how knowledge circulated as a result of visits to museum exhibitions. Materiality is also the key to understanding instances when knowledge does not circulate. Circulation of a particular piece of knowledge, or, for example, a book, is not all-encompassing. It occurs within particular spaces that are spatiotemporally 74 contingent.

These spaces might be defined by the systems of forming knowledge that rely on social and material practices and the power-relations between different actors at a particular time and place. Consequently, circulation does not and should not entail the assumption of 'smooth circuits'. Instead, I argue that circulation necessitates that researchers plunge into the prac- tices that enabled or prohibited the movements of different materials, ideas and people in order to understand how knowledge was formed as a circulatory process.

This requires being alert to the fact, as Fa-ti Fan stresses when he critiques the use of the concept of circulation, that some movements were open ended and some stalled. The image of circulation tends to impose too much unity, uniformity, and directionality on what was complex, multi-directional, and messy.

It also tends to substitute a general metaphor for a careful examination of what actually happened. There are risks in accepting the metaphor too readily. Furthermore, it is necessary to constantly question our as- sumptions about what happened when a particular travel account or a map, for example, 71 Markovits, Pouchepadass, and Subrahmanyam , 3. Also see the views of Kapil Raj, who builds his conceptu- alization of circulation on this view. See Raj , ; Raj For the critical viewpoints Raj is answering to see Fan Introduction 18 was written and published.

In my view, tracing these processes creates an opportunity to uncover how local knowledge moves between different scales and consequently be- came something more than merely local. Recent research on exploration, as already noted, has extensively analyzed the role of the different groups of people explorers and surveyors encountered in the field. In general, their roles have been theorized in terms of mediation, that is, as 79 knowledge brokers.

Charles Withers, Innes Keighren and Felix Driver have recently con- sidered the term in relation to the other stages of the knowledge-production process. In their view it can be applied in the context of the editing processes that occurred when the 80 materials of the explorers were transformed into published travel accounts. It is useful to apply the concept of knowledge brokers in this study too.

In terms of analyzing knowledge circulation as a process that constituted the formation of geograph- ical knowledge of Australia, it is crucial to identify what kind of knowledge brokers civil servants, cartographers and the RGS were in the series of translations that constituted cir- culation.

Brokering constitutes the transformation of knowledge that takes place: the localization, rescaling and distribution of knowledge that is spatio-temporally contingent. Different actors have a variety of brokering roles: they might be theorized as knowledge managers, as links between the producers and users of 82 knowledge, or as brokers who are able to enhance access to knowledge.

Consequently, 76 Fan , Consequently, I am of the opinion that circulation is a good starting point to in- vestigate the process of how knowledge was established. In this thesis, I adopt and develop the concept of circulation, as it is understood in the history of knowledge. I do this by ex- amining what actually circulated and why in the Australian context and by examining how geographical knowledge and maps were shaped as they passed from one actor to another.

I also investigate the reasons for the alterations that occurred. My approach is intertwined with recent scholarship in the history of cartography. It chimes with the plea to move away from an analysis of the content of maps towards stud- 83 ying maps as processes as, for example, Matthew Edney has called for. If one considers the administration of the empire, for example, circulation emerges as a fruitful starting point to understanding what kind of material and practices of knowledge-work were adopted by administrators in order to know their territories.

Consequently, to understand how maps worked, and how they enabled naming and placing and thus contributed to human understanding of spaces in colonial and impe- rial contexts, it is necessary to direct attention to the processes through which they were produced, circulated, used, reused and transformed. To understand the roles of particular maps in shaping conceptualizations of the British Empire requires examining 83 This plea is very explicitly made in for example Edney Craib sees cartographic routines as an important analytical tool to examine how a cartographic representation for the Mexican state was forged.

These perspectives have been conditioned by research in the history of cartography in the s, which is informed by perspectives of book history and the history of science. This recent research has sought to expand on the ideas of the critical cartography of John B. Harley advanced the idea of maps as value-laden objects that can be read as powerful statements about the world.

Thus, he broke away from the empiricist and positivist para- digm that understood maps as objective representations that can be evaluated through 90 their constantly improving ability to accurately mirror and represent the world. This entails theorizing maps in post-rep- 91 resentational terms: as inscriptions that shape our conceptualizations of the world, and as artifacts in the constant state of becoming and thus participating in the production of 92 the world. These new ways of conceptualizing maps have significant implications for the study of the history of cartography.

Rather than basing their research on an analysis of the content of the maps, scholars now attempt to understand the production, consumption and use of these documents in a manner very similar to the aims of historians of knowledge. This has led to an overall redirection of the work in the field. Scholars have argued for the need to examine historically and geographically contingent cartographic processes. Raymond B. In practice this redirection has entailed the need to broaden the scope of research be- yond maps and their nominal makers to the different individuals and institutions who con- tributed to their existence, movements and consumption by readers.

Engaging with these 88 Edney a, This understanding is inherent in the approaches that examine how different institutions composed their cartographies, due to varying context-specific inter- ests. Maps and geographical knowledge cannot be assumed to have a uniform significance throughout the colonies in the British Empire.

This is also the case in regards to their con- sumers. Amy Prior and J. Drown have highlighted, for example, the fact that the individ- uals who prepared maps were able to shape the content according to the assumed expec- 98 tations of their prospective consumers. These notions demonstrate how important it is to question what we think we know about the character of maps that were in circulation during the nineteenth century and about their production process and consumption.

Maps were not simply straightforward documents that recorded the rationalization of space. In- stead, they can be viewed as a contingent and fluid material that participates in the process of conceptualizing different phenomenon.

Furthermore, the innovative approaches that have developed to study maps within a wider context have significant implications for the way we understand the formation of spatial knowledge of the world. Instead of manifesting spatial relations in a stable form, maps emerge as context-dependent records of human perceptions of the world that are shaped by different intentions and material conditions. Studying maps by examining the different contexts in which they were used enables historians to form an understanding of the way other material, besides maps, contributed to the process of spatialization.

The knowledge that is communicated through maps should not be mistaken for conceptions or knowledge of space or territory. This point is stressed by, for example, Doreen Massey. Massey emphasizes that we should ensure that we do not carelessly equate maps with space, for example, as this erroneously reduces 95 Ferretti Introduction 22 space to a flat surface. Similar points have been recently brought to the fore in terms of questions of sovereignty and the visibility of indigenous knowledge on European maps.

These approaches to processual map history include aspects that are informative when studying the formation of geographical knowledge of the Australian continent. In- stead, the focus is on how the maps that were produced came to constitute the realities in which the different individuals acted.

This is a difficult task that requires diving into the straightforward model regarding the movements of cartographic materials from the Aus- tralian colonies to Britain and therein. Combined with the circulatory framework put for- ward by historians of knowledge, the construction of maps and their consequent move- ments will in this study be analyzed as part of different situations and contexts that con- stituted how geographical knowledge circulated.

The combination of circulation theory, as understood by historians of knowledge and science, with the framework adopted in the history of cartography has implications for the way we understand the relationship between circulation and consumption. Historians of knowledge and science define circulation as transformative. Hence, it cannot be equated with the way map historians refer to circulation: they situate it as one part of the process of production, circulation and consumption of maps.

Some definitions are therefore in order. In this study, I use circulation theory in the sense of how it is articulated by historians of knowledge. I refer to the thinking of Michel de Certeau in order to clarify my stance, as his work has engaged in the study of the practices of everyday life in a very similar manner as has been proposed by some his- torians of knowledge.

It also connects with the understanding propounded by historians of knowledge, whereby circu- lation implies transformation. When combined they help to define circulation as a concept that includes the idea of consumption as a form of new production as knowledge moves from one geographical or temporal setting and one actor to another.

I would argue that circulation is intertwined with consumption: as knowledge about a particular phenomenon Massey , For a recent study that raises the issue of the complex relationship between territorial sovereignty, the practice of law and cartography, see Benton See Monmonier See Edney ; Edney b; Prior The human propensity for ignoring and forgetting things is also here understood as a form of consumption.

Consequently, it is sub- ject to the production of new meanings. This framework is sensitive to situations when knowledge and embedded material do not circulate, as it directs attention to the practices and adaptations that emerge as a response to these situations. Lastly, it should be noted that adopting circulation as a tool to analyze the formation of knowledge and the preparation of maps has implications that affect the way networks are understood in this study. As already noted, when detailing the approaches taken by Tony Ballantyne, scholarship on the British Empire in the nineteenth century has analyzed the processes of communication through multidirectional networks and circuits of knowledge.

This approach connects individuals and institutions, governmental actors and indigenous peoples. The utilization of networks and webs as analytical tools is a marked effort to put the colonies and the metropolis within the same framework and to break away from the center-periphery model that has been dominant since the late s.

Circulation and the agenda of processual map history fit well into the new spatial frameworks. Networks emerge as sites of transformation and translation that shaped knowledge of the world. The communication that occurred between different officials and individuals within these networks required a medium that facilitated the transfer of the knowledge in question.

The identification of the transformations that occurred when the knowledge that had been communicated was analyzed in different locations in Australia and in Britain makes visible the multiplicity of knowledge-work sites. It also demonstrates how they related to and co-constituted each other. Applying these innovative approaches in an Aus- tralian context highlight that much remains to be explored and investigated when seeking to understand how the British geographies of Australia were made.

This is especially the case when one considers what we currently know of the networks of geographical and cartographical knowledge and what happened to this knowledge as it circulated from one context to another in the British Empire. Questions and the Scope of Research This study is concerned with the mechanisms used to circulate geographical and carto- graphical knowledge of Australia as it was explored and surveyed by the British. It aims to For prominent studies promoting this view see for example Laidlaw ; Lester ; Lambert and Lester ; Bennett and Hodge ; Ballantyne For earlier characterizations of the British Empire as more than fixed centers and peripheries see especially MacLeod Introduction 24 examine how the enormous amount of information resulting from the exploring and sur- veying expeditions was managed by different actors and to answer the following ques- tions: how did actors such as governors in the colonies and civil servants, cartographers and the RGS gain access to this data and how did they consume it?

Answering such ques- tions requires investigating how and in what form geographical and cartographical knowledge became available to different actors and it necessitates an examination of who participated in its circulation, analysis, and, consequently, in establishing conceptualiza- tions of the continent.

In so doing, in this study I aim to investigate how and why particular geographies of the continent became available in in the Australian colonies and in Britain. The circulation of knowledge has no clearly distinguishable temporal or geographical boundaries. Nevertheless, some limitations are set in place. In general, a countless number of actors formed part of the process of producing geographical and cartographical knowledge and helped to conceptualize the continent.

As Anne M. Scott notes, when indi- viduals perceive things they also assess what they are perceiving. Consequently, different individuals—explorers in the field, settlers in the colonies and cartographers in Britain— formed their own views of the continent. I focus on the actors who were tightly connected to the systematic circulation of geo- graphical and cartographical knowledge from the Australian colonies to Britain.

The rea- soning behind this decision relates to the need to limit the scope what constitutes an ex- tremely complex and extensive process. This means examining the work of the actors who were responsible for the administration of the colonies and the material that they circulated to different actors. By specifically choosing officials as a central starting point to approach the phenomenon, I aim to extend our knowledge of the systematic practices of knowledge- work that shaped mid-nineteenth-century understandings of the Australian continent and to a large extent constituted the process of mapping in London.

The different practices adopted and the individuals involved in the analysis and publi- cizing of geographical knowledge stemmed from the government officials. Focusing on the channels of communication used by the civil servants in London in order to distribute the material containing geographical information consists, to a large extent, on examining Par- liamentary Papers, as well as documents related to the RGS and the cartographer John Ar- rowsmith.

On the one hand, documents related to the RGS and the Parliamentary Papers rank as the principal sources of evidence in my work, with the written material that arrived from the colonies. On the other hand, Arrowsmith and his maps are examined as synthe- sizers and producers of geographical knowledge. Consequently, the scope of this research is defined by the knowledge-work and differ- ent forms of knowledge brokering that were conducted as a result of communications with the Colonial Office.

As I focus my research in this manner, I omit numerous circuits of Scott , 1—2. I also do not address how knowledge was synthesized in geography books or how it was reported by the British press. In geographical terms, the scope of research is determined by the Australian continent and Great Britain. Thus, I examine the production of geographical and cartographical infor- mation that circulated in the colonies and in Britain that emanated from the continental colonies of New South Wales, Western Australia, South Australia, Victoria and Queensland.

I focus on these specific colonies in order to be able to concentrate on the entire continental landmass. In so doing, I seek to facilitate a discussion on how the continent was mapped and conceptualized. My interest, however, is not in the multiplicity of environmental theo- ries that were written down in letters or the content of the maps per se, but mainly in the practices and contexts that shaped the availability, consumption and the analysis of the different material that participated in these processes.

This study focuses on the period stretching from the late s to the early s. This era is defined by numerous simultaneous developments. First, it covers territorial expan- sion from the establishment of the Swan River colony in This period saw the annex- ation of the whole continent to the British, as well the decision to annex the present-day Northern Territory to South Australia as a result of the pressing need to organize govern- ance in the area.

By the beginning of the s, almost all of the Australian colonies had been granted self-governance. This shifted the management of domestic affairs from Lon- don to the colonies. Secondly, the period coincides with the most intensive phase in the exploration of the continent. Prior to the s, exploration of Australia was limited. Only in the s did exploration of the interior increase. Attempts at traversing the continent reached a peak in the early s.

Thereafter one can note a shift in the conceptualization of the interior of the continent. Similarly, the RGS was established in and quickly became an agent, in collaboration with gov- ernment departments, in promoting British explorations in different parts of the world. Lastly, from an administrative point of view, the mid-nineteenth century was a period that saw a marked overhaul of bureaucratic organizations related to the Empire. Substantial changes in the methods of record-keeping and administrative practices occurred at the Colonial Department in the s.

By , an increasing volume of information began to be systematically collected from the colonies in order to be utilized by the newly estab- lished Topographical Depot at the War Office, among other government departments. Introduction 26 Material, Methods and Concepts Material I use a wide array of manuscript and printed primary material in order to examine how geographical and cartographical knowledge of Australia circulated within the imperial web and how it was transformed in different locations.

In practice, this means examining how different actors used material to prepare printed and published government publications, maps, as well as journal and newspaper articles. This material, which is preserved at the National Archives in Great Britain and state archives in Australia, forms the most important and the largest set of source material used in this study.

The correspondence accumulated by the Colonial Office consists of dis- patches from the government houses in the Australian colonies, as well as communications from government departments in London, individuals and scientific organizations that had links to the colonies. The correspondence abounds in geographical and cartographical knowledge that de- rives from the surveys and explorations performed in different parts of the continent.

The governors, whose dispatches typically arrived at the Colonial Office in bagged bundles, re- ported about the developments that had taken place and often enclosed different types of material relating to the expeditions and surveys.

These included printed and manuscript texts, such as statistics, government gazettes, newspaper articles, minutes of the legisla- tive and executive councils, letters and books, as well as maps, plans, tracings, sketches and specimens. Different individuals and scientific organizations—explorers, surveyors and the RGS in particular—were in regular contact with the Colonial Office staff with sugges- tions for new expeditions or with enquiries for information and material about the devel- opments that had taken place.

The dispatches were nominally correspondence between the secretary of state and the governor of a colony. In practice, however, these documents constituted communications that occurred between the permanent staff at the Colonial Office and government officials in the colonies. The dispatches and their enclosures, which addressed topical issues in the governance of the colony, were initially examined by the senior clerk at the Colonial Office, before being forwarded to his superiors and finally to the secretary of state.

The civil servants usually initialed and dated any comments they made and passed them on to their colleagues. However, individuals also conveyed information. The system of correspondence was designed for a well-organized exchange of information. Between the s and the s, it typically took between four to six months for post to reach Australia. After the widespread introduction of steamboats in the s, the travel time reduced considerably, with letters arriving at the offices within three months of being sent.

The correspondence is arranged by colonies and bound in volumes. As new colonies were established, a new series of correspondence began. The letters are arranged chrono- logically and they include the minutes of the civil servants. Often, they also include the correspondence that took place as a result of dealing with the matter in London: the Colo- nial Office often consulted the Treasury and the Land and Emigration Board, for example, in matters relating to the finance and management of lands in the colonies.

As the minutes are initialed and dated, it is often possible to identify who wrote what and when, although uninitiated minutes and annota- tions also exist. I analyze these correspondence materials in comparison to a selection of manuscript sources relating to exploration and surveying.

These include material relating to the sur- veying work in the field and the functioning of the survey departments, correspondence between individuals involved in these processes and other material, such as the Council Meeting Minutes and Evening Meeting Minutes of the RGS which help to inform me about the practices of the period. The great quantity of printed material, especially the publications of the RGS, the Par- liamentary Papers and the colonial and British press, are important sources in this study, as they make it possible to understand how the various pieces of knowledge were made pub- lic in different locations.

This thesis analyses the articles relat- ing to Australia from both publications. The printed publications that this study addresses also include the colonial press, as well as the Parliamentary Papers, which were the official publications of the British government.

My use of the articles printed by the colonial press Banton , 54, 64, Quoted in Banton , Introduction 28 is informed by their relevance in different discussion relating to the circulation of the geo- graphical and cartographical knowledge produced by the explorers, the RGS and the car- tographer John Arrowsmith.

The maps examined in this study consist of manuscript and printed versions that are stored in different repositories. They were utilized in government offices and were circu- lated across the oceans and printed and published in different ways by different actors. The majority of the manuscript maps studied in this work relate to the correspondence between the colonies and Britain: some of these are located within the correspondence volumes, but most have been extracted from the correspondence in order to form separate map collec- tions.

This study is also informed by maps printed in the publications of the RGS and the parliamentary papers. Methods Uncovering the processes involved in making geographies is not straightforward and re- quires following the trajectories of different material from one place to another and exam- ining their transformation. My study involves combining methodological tools developed in the fields of history of knowledge and science, historical geography and the history of cartography, as described above.

The transformations and process of shaping that took place in the Australian context can be revealed by examining material from different stages of the process of knowledge- work and following their trajectories. In order to determine how this material was read and how it was used in different locations, it is necessary to ascertain who used them and in what way.

These traces constitute important signposts when determining how they were utilized in order to prepare different types of published material particularly maps, journal articles and parliamentary papers. At times the correspondence included the original jour- nals that had been kept by the explorers in the field.

However, the publication process of this material is not examined in this thesis. Consequently, I examine the traces left by various actors in different locations in the form of minutes, annotations, and draft letters. I also analyze manuscript maps and com- pare them to the multitude of printed maps, as well as cross reading a wide array of man- uscript material alongside printed articles and texts. Thus, I follow Stoler and Ballantyne in examining colonial archives as sites of knowledge-production, not repositories of knowledge.

I agree with Ballantyne in his recent arguments regarding the benefits of ex- amining the fluid and porous archives of the British Empire that are scattered in different locations. The opportunity to critically analyze and compare maps and texts that were Stoler ; Ballantyne Following the traces left on the different types of material enables me to determine how the colossal amount of geographical and cartographical information was used and where it was communicated, as well as in what form and when.

Consequently, I use these traces to uncover important nodes of knowledge-work and to investigate what the pro- cesses of circulating various types of material between different locations and actors meant for the formation of geographical knowledge. In so doing, I follow the stance advo- cated by Charles W. Conducting research in this manner comes with multiple limitations. First and foremost, is the need to locate the right material.

As Prior and Edney note, the feasibility of processual studies of maps is made possible by the availability of pertinent material. It is often impos- sible to engage with every aspect of the process, from production to circulation and con- sumption.

Contextual studies of maps require archival work that poses many pragmatic challenges. A major challenge for this study is the non-existence of a major group of ma- terial; namely, sources that provide detailed documentation of the workings of the Ar- rowsmith map firm. The unavailability of this material has extensive methodological consequences for the execution of this study. This surviving evidence exists mainly in the form of marginalia, but also includes other material, that informs us about the process of production.

This extant material enables researchers to construct portions of the social and technical context that shaped the content of the maps. However, it has to be borne in mind that the pieces that I have been able to analyze only tell us about a portion of the story. Introduction 30 In cases where material does exist, including the extensive collection of correspond- ence between the Colonial Office and the Australian colonies, the use of such material to uncover instances of how maps were read and consumed is not straightforward.

As Jacob notes, it is extremely difficult to examine how maps were read and consumed. It is often the case, for example, that the individuals who examined maps left no trace of how they read them. Traces of reading and consumption do exist in the cases studied in this thesis.

However, they are not always systematic or easy to uncover. Consequently, the notes and minutes left by the civil servants, among others, reveal only a fraction of what they were thinking when they consulted particular maps. Consulting material that provides an opening into how maps were read and used is, therefore, a somewhat daunting task. It requires analyzing a huge volume of correspond- ence in the hope of finding something that would inform us of the practices of reading and consumption.

The material selected for this study enables me to examine how the maps were read at different sites. The instances that can be identified do not constitute a comprehensive understanding of how maps were used and consumed in different locations. Rather, they are illustrative of these moments. At the same time, a study that spans over three decades of knowledge-work and map circulation ena- bles a historian to grasp, to a certain extent, what was typical and what was not in the Australian context.

The challenge faced when studying maps can be extended to research on the process of knowledge-work in general. The correspondence analyzed in this study, replete with minutes, annotations and marginalia, enables an extensive study to be undertaken of how the material was used and where it was circulated, as well as who studied them etc. How- ever, this material also pose challenges. As noted by Amy Prior, who has engaged with very similar material in her research, the major challenge for building a framework like this is the degree to which material in repositories is easily available and accessible for researchers.

The archives relating to official correspondence at the National Archives are a case in point in this sense: they are, for the most part, arranged chronologically. Furthermore, finding annotations and minutes about exploration and surveying requires the extremely time- consuming examination of over five-hundred volumes of extant correspondence relating to the period studied. Thus, conducting an examination of the formation of knowledge in this manner comes with limitations. Many steps that constitute the process of knowledge work are not docu- mented in any way, or material relating to this process has disappeared, or is archived in such a manner that does not enable it to be connected to other evidence.

On many occa- sions, we can only make educated guesses about how the process of thinking and work occurred: what books and other material did the different actors have at their disposal? See also Kokkonen , Instead, what is left for the historian to examine are numerous frag- ments: glimpses of these processes, in which Australian space was described, analyzed and consequently constructed. However, the examination of a wide array and a large quantity of material enables me to overcome some of the challenges posed by the examination of complex processes, such as knowledge formation.

It is possible to examine the existing possibilities and complexi- ties stemming from the processes of establishing knowledge in multiple locations. This can be achieved by combining the numerous traces that were left for posterity. The methodol- ogy adopted in this thesis, in essence, makes it clear that conducting a study about the circulation of geographical and cartographical knowledge is not simply a matter of describ- ing the circulatory loops that existed. It involves engaging with the numerous traces left for posterity that inform us about the multidirectional and often chaotic nature of the pro- cesses that occurred.

Concepts This study places a heavy emphasis on the formation, movements and transformations of knowledge. First, all of these concepts are understood in this thesis as being historical. I therefore examine what was understood as geographical knowledge and what was considered as a valuable piece of data in the mid-nineteenth century. However, I do not consider the accu- racy of this knowledge about the Australian environment in reference to our current sys- tems of knowing.

This means that expe- rience helps individuals and institutions to solve problems and to anticipate a course of action. Moreover, it does not overlook the consequences of se- lection that are defined by the cultural context as well as the physical capabilities and mo- tivations of the individual observer.

Furthermore, observations made in the field were often synthesized on multiple occasions as a result of the manner in which they were reported. Knowledge-work is an analytical tool put for- ward in a historical context by Noah Heringman, among others. He employs the concept when analyzing the work of antiquarian scholars.

However, in my view it is a fitting concept that can be applied in the context of civil servants, cartographers, explorers and scientific societies. It is an anachronistic term, but helps describe how making geographies was a process that consisted of the efforts and work of multiple individuals in different locations. In so doing, I am sensitive to the geography of knowledge: what counted as knowledge and what was understood as a frac- tion of data was just as much spatially determined as it was temporally conditioned.

This point has been made by numerous historical geographers such as David N. Livingstone and Charles W. Withers, and it has a strong connection to the processes of circulation. I argue for a multi-centered conception of the locations of knowledge-work, whereby information and data are analyzed, gathered and preserved.

The metropolis, with its different institutions, was an important site for knowledge-work, but so were the colonies, where instances of analysis, as well as the gathering, preservation and transformation of information also occurred. The processes of knowledge-work were also not simultaneous. New information from the surveys and explorations became availa- ble earlier in the colonies, for example, enabling the settlers, surveyors and colonists to work with the data for a long time prior to it reaching the metropolis.

The thematic struc- ture of the study derives from the different stages of analyzing the geographical knowledge. As the study advances, the focus narrows: from an extensive volume of maps and texts, which were circulated within the official correspondence, to the examination of how they moved from the Colonial Office to different actors in London and how they ulti- Heringman , For an excel- lent review of research on the geographies of science see Naylor Consequently, the study proceeds in a funnel-like man- ner, ending up with an analysis of the maps of John Arrowsmith, which can be viewed as synthesized and generalized materializations of geographical knowledge.

In the first main chapter I examine the official circuits for transmitting geographical knowledge from the colonies to London, which were constituted by the official correspond- ence that occurred between the government offices. I use the correspondence between the colonies and London as a starting point to uncover what kind of geographical knowledge and maps the civil servants in different locations had at their disposal. What is more, I examine how they analyzed and formulated geographical and spatial knowledge as they discussed the results of exploring expeditions and the progress of surveys.

I also trace the challenges faced by governors, in particular, when transmitting material to London. I further examine how the correspondence between officials in the colonies and London resulted in the accumulation of cartographical archives in both Australia and Britain, which were in- tertwined and co-constitutive.

In the second main chapter I turn to an examination of the two main ways in which the staff at the Colonial Office sought to publicize the reports of exploration and the maps that they received. First, I investigate how a portion of the documents that were received in London was laid before Parliament.

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It filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, and shareholders lost their money. Employee satisfaction correlates with better shareholder returns. For example, when Walmart raised entry-level wages, employee productivity increased, and turnover dropped. A study by Harvard Business School Professor George Serafeim and State Street showed that companies that treated their employees and supply chains well when coronavirus hit saw better returns than industry peers.

Besides, customers increasingly care about company culture, sustainability, privacy, and human rights records. More consumer businesses are choosing to become B Corps, balancing profit and purpose. ESG companies have high governance scores, meaning that management teams are aligned with shareholders.

They also found that companies where the CEO sits on two or more external Boards underperform. ESG businesses score higher on diversity, employee productivity, and talent pool access. We know that diverse perspectives add value. Greater Board diversity is linked to higher returns and lower share price volatility. The same goes for more diverse management. McKinsey found that diverse companies generate above-average returns. Less diverse Boards and management teams are more likely to be tone-deaf and miss critical cultural transitions.

Investing in line with your values is satisfying. If, as a consumer, you already choose sustainable products or own an EV, you can go further and make an impact with your money. If you are primarily concerned with climate change, you can choose low-carbon investments, invest in cleantech or sell your oil and gas stocks and funds. If you want to see more women in top management, you can invest in companies that are better at promoting women.

Money flows can incentivize companies to reduce carbon emissions or improve diversity. ESG investing was once thought to generate lower returns than conventional investing. Today we have more data showing that the opposite may be true. According to Morningstar , in , three out of four ESG funds exceeded their category average.

And there is now plenty of academic research showing that ESG stocks or funds generate better returns. On the other hand, stocks of companies with poor ESG scores could suffer if funds that hold them get investor outflows or decide to divest. For example, BlackRock announced that its actively managed portfolios would exit certain coal stocks. There are many ways of investing sustainably and making an impact with your money.

You can buy exchange-traded funds ETFs , mutual funds , or stocks. You can go to robo-advisors or traditional financial advisors. You can even buy equity in green companies or support the local community. The easiest way to get started is to look at your current investments and replace them with sustainable alternatives. You can also look up the ESG scores of the stocks you own. If you need help allocating money, a robo-advisor with an ESG option or a personal financial advisor with ESG expertise can help.

Some caution is advised. ETFs and index funds are collections of stocks that track a stock market index. They are cheaper than actively managed mutual funds. Actively managed funds try to beat the market, and you pay more fees for the portfolio manager to pick stocks.

But you are also paying for more diligence and engagement with company management. Some problematic sectors like tobacco and weapons are generally excluded. Passive, best-in-class ESG funds are the cheapest to own and trade. All U. An expense ratio is an annual fee the fund charges investors. Most large passive ESG funds do not promise to exclude oil and gas. Their goal is to mirror the stock market, and market indices contain oil and gas. But they try to include energy companies that pollute less and exclude the worst ones.

This is often misunderstood, and the media sometimes claims that ESG funds are tricking investors by buying dirty stocks. Several ESG funds invest in international and emerging market equities. Here are some of the most popular international funds:. On the positive side, actively managed ESG funds employ teams of portfolio managers and analysts who can research stocks beyond the off-the-shelf ESG rating.

They can also work with companies to improve climate disclosure or Board diversity. Actively managed mutual funds are not the cheapest option, but they could work if you want someone to engage with company management. Some of the best known actively managed ESG mutual funds are:. Many ESG funds emphasize governance and social factors. These funds own a lot of big tech and even oil and gas companies that score high on governance or labor practices.

If you mostly care about climate change risks, you can buy low-carbon funds or completely divest from fossil fuels. Divestment is controversial. Divestment proponents include pension funds, university endowments, and even the Church of England. More recently, activist hedge fund Engine No. They did so by owning Exxon shares and canvassing large Exxon shareholders. You may also choose to own fossil fuel company shares if you think that these businesses have a role to play in the transition to a green economy.

After all, companies like BP have invested heavily in renewables. Several funds target a lower carbon footprint without divesting from oil and gas. They can give you exposure to different industries without owning the worst polluting offenders.

The fund aims to perform close to the broad market while owning more shares in companies best positioned for the clean energy transition and fewer polluting companies. The definition of fossil fuel companies varies by fund. On the other hand, the Change Finance U. If you want to learn more about fossil free funds, check out our review of the top ten fossil free funds. Fossil free funds own a market index of their choice and exclude fossil fuel stocks from it.

What if you want to invest in companies that make a difference? Look at clean energy and cleantech funds. These funds invest in wind and solar energy, hydrogen fuel cells, or electric cars. A word of caution: having done extremely well in , green funds crashed in but are still trading at high valuations.

Unlike a broad market fund, clean energy funds own few stocks, which is risky. Sectors like solar energy have also been exposed to competition and regulation. If you mostly care about social factors the S in ESG , look for socially conscious funds. These funds target socially responsible companies, gender and ethnic diversity. Equities have historically generated higher returns than bonds, and bond yields are at historic lows.

However, many personal finance experts still recommend including bonds in your portfolio. Bonds are less volatile and can protect your downside if the equity market drops. Making an ESG assessment is critical for bond investors who want to reduce risk. There are more ESG equity funds than bond funds, though more bond fund launches are coming. Green bonds lend to particular environmental projects. Their issuance skyrocketed in Buying green bonds gives you more clarity on where money is invested.

Managing your investments, especially from an ESG angle, can be hard work. Thankfully, now you can outsource some of that work to robo-advisors. Advanced features like portfolio rebalancing and tax-loss harvesting are also offered. Robo-advisors cost 0. The total is still much cheaper than going to a human financial advisor.

Although the ESG field is new, there are several sustainable robo-advisor options. Most of the big robo-advisors have introduced cheap sustainable offerings. Read the review. Acorns is a personal finance app that lets you invest spare change from everyday purchases in diversified portfolios made up of ETFs. The app was launched in to make investing seamless for everybody and has since expanded to retirement and checking accounts.

They are offered in partnership with iShares , the largest provider of low-cost, sustainable ETFs. These portfolios are designed to perform in line with conventional, Core Portfolios. The funds in the ESG portfolio cost between 0. The cost of the Moderately Aggressive Portfolio, a mid-risk option, is 0. We think this is a good outcome. Ally is a financial services company offering bank accounts, loans, and an online brokerage. They offer both self-directed investing through the brokerage and a robo-advisor, Ally Invest Robo Portfolios.

The portfolio invests in low-cost iShares ETFs for the stock component. If you reduce the cash allocation, Ally will charge a 0. The cost is the same for Core and Socially Responsible options. The ESG funds used in the socially responsible portfolio are relatively cheap, costing between 0. Betterment is the first and best-known robo-advisor. Betterment charges a 0.

The cost of the funds in the ESG portfolio is slightly higher. For example, the Broad Impact Portfolio costs 0. Still, 0. Ellevest is a women-owned robo-advisor that targets women investors. The founder, Sallie Krawcheck, is a Wall Street veteran who wants to reduce the investing gap between women and men. Women live longer than men but earn less, requiring a different asset allocation.

Ellevest uses women-specific salary curves and life expectancy data. They also accept male clients. Fund fees across Ellevest Impact Portfolios range from 0. Ellevest is more than a robo-advisor. They also offer online banking, financial planning, and career coaching. You choose what percentage to invest in each asset class.

We have created a fossil free ESG pie you can invest in. Goldman Sachs launched Marcus Invest in early Although Marcus Invest is new, Goldman has already offered multiple banking services through the platform. Marcus is a one-stop shop offering high-yield savings accounts and personal loans. Nearly all equities in the portfolio come from ESG funds, except international equities. All bond funds are conventional. Personal Capital is a hybrid financial advisor: it combines a robo-advisor with human professionals.

For U. Personal Capital relies on conventional funds for asset classes such as bonds. Roughly a third of US household wealth is held in retirement accounts. They are also the biggest pool of investable assets for millennials. If you want to align your savings with your values, consider moving your retirement money to ESG funds.

Most k money goes to target-date funds and other mutual funds. Target-date funds invest in equities and bonds in a ratio targeting your retirement age. Nearly all conventional target-date funds invest in oil and gas extraction or other controversial industries.

As a result, you probably support bad actors with your biggest pool of wealth. The Trump administration has tried to curb the role of ESG in pension plans, though the Biden administration is reversing that.

First, check if your k plan has ESG options. You can also run the funds in your plan, usually of them, through a screening tool from As You Sow. Employers have someone working with the plan sponsor to pick mutual funds in the line-up. You could reach out to HR and petition the right people. Finally, if you change employers, you can convert your k to an IRA by calling your broker. You can do it yourself or through robo-advisors, most of which support IRA plans.

If you are a sophisticated investor, you can set up a self-directed IRA or a solo k and invest in alternatives, like clean energy startups or businesses led by women. Companies like Rocket Dollar can help you set this up. Mastering personal finance requires a lot of time and effort. If you are an experienced investor, you may be fine building your own portfolio.

Robo-advisors are cheaper than human advisers, and many offer human advisors a la carte for an extra fee. Popular robo-advisors charge 0. You may need a human advisor if your financial situation is more complex, for example, if you run a business or own stock options.

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